I will begin by telling you a short story about a boy named Derek. If this does not put you off, it will make you laugh - out loud. Derek, from Nzvimbo in Chiweshe, had a foul mouth. A loud young man with an outcast character and what not. His very passion was for notoriety, so much so that even village elders dare not stand in his way. One beautiful summers day his elder, and only, sister was getting married at their homestead. Under these circumstances family could not face the prospect of embarrassment in front of Vakuwasha. It prompted, I suppose very naturally, the elders to suggest that Derek be kept out of the day's customary proceedings. One elderly woman, Ambuya Muronga, felt that no matter what Derek's conduct, in accordance with Chishona ritual, Nditezvara and that he had to be present. Ambuya Muronga spent some time talking through and convincing Derek to be on his best behavior and to keep quiet at all times, unless invited to speak. She went on to promise him a big reward in the event that he doesn't spoil the ceremony.
Anyone who remembers how the in-laws and Vanyai celebrate together after accepting the proceedings of Roora, will be acquainted with the Shona saying "Ukama igaswa hunozadziswa nokudya". All but Derek saw merit in the day's events. The elders nod with satisfaction that Ambuya had done well in taming Derek. As it was time for tea, all the kids sat on their own, while Ambuya kept an eagle eye on the boy. Surprised neighbours kept asking in delight "Kwakanaka, ko Derek mamupeyi kunyarara kudai?". Yes, it was odd for him, having his freedom chained. That seems like a life-long torture. While others were having second cups of tea, Derek could not drink his first, let alone eat.
Most rural homes usually mix sugar in one big kettle, but Derek was not used to that; as a result there was no sugar or tea spoon in front of him. Worried about the boy's uncompromising mood, Ambuya, like everyone else, encouraged him to drink his tea, telling him it already had sugar and was getting cold. He remained seated and silent. Finally, having drawn attention from nearly everyone there, Derek broke his silence; "Muri kuda kuti ndikonzonge nem**ro here?" (Are you expecting me to stir this with my penis?).
I am thinking merely of the quality of this tale, while some people will think it was inevitable. The story of Derek is intellectually stimulating to me. All that was an illusion, one of the worst indeed, which brings me to compare how Julius Malema raged against his president, Jacob Zuma, whom he believes has betrayed the promises of June 26th, 1955's Freedom Charter.
Gumede, at the time of defending the firestorm caused by his book accepted that he was a bitter man; bitter at himself and his beloved ANC. Archbishop Desmond Tutu was equally frustrated in 2003 when he questioned the Charter's unfinished business. It seems to me that Malema is not alone in his demands for a revised economic system. It is strange that the circumstances of these men highlight how vital a pledge is until it is broken or ignored.
Make no mistake; there is a case for Zuma to act. And to act now. Party discipline is important at all levels. When we are living in a global village where any form of political instability can directly lead to a total collapse of economic production and distribution systems. People's attitudes have been changing over time. Cries of "Mayibuye iAfrica" in the fifties cannot compare with singing chants as "Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer" now. Crucially though, the context purely depends on ANC's continuing to resist growing popular pressure for solving economic and political problems.
There is a question whether any of ANC's chaos will mirror recent troubles in my homeland, Zimbabwe; starvation and near collapse of the economy as a result of Robert Mugabe's destruction of the agriculture infrastructure and anti-business policies which reflect the proceedings of 1979's Lancaster House Agreement. Using populist resentment as a convenient political slogan has doomed Zimbabweans. Look at how Mugabe rounded up his opponents with repression and terror; expelling Joshua Nkomo from government in 1982; Edgar Tekere for speaking about his corruption; Dzikamai Mavhaire for calling for reforms; Jonathan Moyo after the infamous Tsholotsho Declaration, a practice Zuma is beginning to get desire for..
The trouble is that if Zuma is to listen to the demands of the disgruntled young black majority, it will risk damaging the economy. Nationalization of mines and banking institutions in not a substitute for running business in a professional way. Many developed countries are seeing that it is viable to attract investment by selling off national assets. Land reform, when there is no alternative, is a threat to an already existing agricultural infrastructure. Investors fear interference. Malema and Zuma need to ask themselves why De Beers, the diamond conglomerate that left South Africa for Switzerland in 1990 just after Nelson Mandela was released from Robben Island, has relocated to Botswana, a country whose president Ian Khama is branded an 'imperialist' by Malema.
What the ANC needs to do is to listen, educate its youth and empower them, not in a chaotic ZANU (PF) Boarder Gezi fashion that we saw in Zimbabwe. They need to understand that free speech does not imply the right to being rude and offensive. In Shona we say “Gudo guru peta muswe kuti vadoko vakutye”. I make particular reference to Malema’s mocking of Zuma last weekend calling his party leader a “shower man”.In fact, if his inflammatory rhetoric is not tamed in some way, he is a threat to stability in South Africa and his actions can provoke an economic disaster, not only in his homeland but the entire region. That said the discipline has to start from the top.
To understand his position one must first understand that the ANC is not doing enough for the young South Africans. I would agree if Malema was claiming that the economy was benefiting a few black politicians, and their friends, that control the means of production and influence financial markets. If the ANC still stands with Lenin's ideology (which it does not) that private property should be abolished, how and why has Malema accumulated so much wealth at the age of 31?
Indeed, so great is the mismatch of his character - crying for the keys to the house knowing only he has the combination to the safe. So obvious is it to see who stands to benefit from any form of empowerment that Zuma might be forced to implement. To understand the meaning of such reforms, look at the winners and not the losers. Zimbabwe's failure, just like Derek's story, explains it all.
Robert Mugabe need not care for now because he found a brief shelter in a storm. Jacob Zuma should worry because he is sitting on a time bomb. As long as he continues to ignore these economic and political problems, just like Mbeki and Mandela failed and betrayed the people's struggle, Julius Malema may prove to be right for the wrong reason.
