The ground breaking 1968 article 'The Tragedy of the Commons' by Gareth Hardin exposes some of the long held myths about the dilemmas I faced as a young herdsman of Mawire village in Buhera. Drawing on candid in-depth experience as a six year old boy with such an enormous responsibility, this example reveals some remarkable new insight as the rapid geopolitical turmoil resonates across the world today.
Hardin cites a parable about a common pasture on which many herdsmen graze their cows. Each herdsman knows that the limited common is open to all and therefore freely brings new cows as he acquires them. Over the years this rational, prudent practice destroys the common. As he points out, 'freedom in a common brings ruin to all'. Therein lies the dilemma.
Reflecting on the story, my memory jogs back to my late grandfather Johane Mawire recounting to me how he and his three brothers, Philemon, Joseph and Oswald, had inherited the village from our Great Grandmother VaMadyedzo's father, Sekuru Zvaipa. We admired the fine looking hills of Marenga and the Makumbe Mission. Behind us sat the dazzling horizon of the Dorowa Mines where my late father Ngonidzaishe worked. That is where the sun set and it was the only measure of time we had when we would communally shephard our livestock in the green pastures along Mwerihari River with my brotherly neighbour Taona Kundishora, nephew Fortune Mawire and many others who are no longer with us today. Not at any point did I take notice of any obvious pursuit of strategic behaviour or self-interest amongst the many households, but today I am willing to suspend my view.
The dilemma set up by Hardin's story is strikingly relevant not only as he initially modeled it on environmental problems but its significance in particular to our own politics in Africa as governments, political movements, tribes and individuals seek to take control of their respective commons. In a globalised world we have to understand the role of self interest among other motivations, as Adam Smith's Invisible Hand accentuates in The Wealth of Nations (1776). Are we putting blind faith in the Western World given our past experience? Could we be losing our comradeship and 'trust in thy neighbour'? Are we truly selfish creatures infested with division, hate and violent motives as some evolutionary scientists proclaim?
Intolerant.
As part of Africa and The Middle East's popular uprising against dictators, it is just over two months today since the Libyan people refused to voluntarily relinquish their rights over their country to Muammar Gaddafi, who from 1969 had exercised illegitimate coercion to brutally manage their collective interests. He unhesitatingly chose to remain in power, convincing only himself that the uprising is the work of imperialists and Al-Qaeda attempting to hold Libya hostage. Gaddafi is known to have used his bloody money and oil to influence opinion and support terrorists like the IRA, the despotic Mugabe and Liberia's Charles Taylor, and is responsible for many other troubles across the world. Against all sense and reason his regime has vowed to fight until the 'last bullet'. That means indiscriminately slaughtering innocent civilians. For what? Mr Gaddafi knows it is not fair to his people and he knows it's not fair to himself. He has to make a choice.
Danger.
During the infancy of this unrest, Libya's Bengazi based Transitional National Council was keen to gain recognition and exposure to major Western democracies. Initially recognised by France as a legitimate representative of the Libyan people, Europe, the USA and The Arab League have also embraced them. Whether this was a gift to the Muslim Brotherhood it remains to be seen. Today NATO is voraciously hovering over the Libyan air space, thanks to the UN resolution in 1973 authorising only to protect civilians, the mandate which Britain and France are willing to go beyond and bring Gaddafi's head. Does this entail Libyans sacrificing their sovereignty? Does this make the mission 'illegal'? Maybe I am content tha ttheir intervention is just and necessary.
The rebels have no control over NATO operations and there is no clear distinction between a civilian and a 'rebel'. That presented a dilemma to both parties when NATO air strikes killed the rebels. Rear Admiral Harding refused to make an apology. Not even after William Hague said that it doesn't cost anything to apologise. Does that entail getting more than bargained for? Probably that's the price for protection!
Still on that point, Hague is right. And so is David Cameron when he admits that the United Kingdom is responsible for many of the world's historic problems during his recent visit to Pakistan. There should be no reason why he fails to feel guilty about Kashmir, the 1952 crackdown by Britain in Kenya of the Mau Mau rebels and the ruthless massacre of many Zimbabweans in Chimoio and Nyadzonyia camps in the late 1970's. The Prime Minister is right too to acknowledge that the British are being called to account because their colonial fathers occupied these countries and brutally carried out these human rights abuses they speak so highly against today. All that is need for Cameron is to say sorry.
Inconsistency.
We know that had it not been for the love of money and not humanity the No-Win-No-Fee lawyers would not have brought the frail 82-year old Wambugu WaNyingi and his three fellow Kenyan torture victims to London seeking justice. We know who would stand to benefit from the Libyan oil and its reconstruction deals by supporting the rebels. Just as Blair's regime embrace Gaddafi and joyfully supplied him with the ammunition he is using to kill is people today, America is giving strong support to a dictator in Equatorial Guinea, while France wine and dines with autocrat Amar Bongo. Inconsistency? Yes. Regrets? I am sure someone is having a few...
The speed of events provided a tough test for the Africa Union. Unlike NATO and its allies Africa knows that the people involved are 'ours'. With shared values and ideology, AU has to stand up and be counted. Gaddafi considers the AU his brainchild after failing to manipulate the Arab World. He was its president in 2009 despite his awful record; he chaired the Human Rights Commission at the UN in 2003. How then could the AU be an honest mediator in Libya? If the peace deals that Jacob Zuma presented, alongside Equatorial Guinea dictator Teodoro Obiang, were good for Gaddafi, I am not surprised that the rebels rejected it. Remember Jacob Zuma, South Africa's controversial president, is the same man who thinks that a shower after unprotected sex with an HIV infected woman will prevent him from catching the virus.
This inability of AU to deploy a combined peace keeping mission to Libya is proving to be fatal. The union seems to have great tension within its ranks and such instability hardly gives them mandate to represent Africa, let alone force through peace deals. The sad thing is that many of Africa' ailing dictators such as Zenavi, Museveni, Mugabe and Wade etc are still present and piling pressure on ineffective Zuma to support Gaddafi's cause with this suspiciously low-level appeal because of financial interest tied to the Tripoli administration. What is even more worrying is that all parties continue to keep each other at arms length and undermining each others efforts. Such is the tragedy of conflicting interests.
Ludicrous.
Earlier it was reported that both the British and Gaddafi were secretly hiring mercenaries to step up their efforts. In my mind there is no reason why this couldn't actually be a possibility. If the bombshell that Robert Mugabe's notorious Fifth Brigade veterans are already operating in Libya is true it will be a repeat of 1997 when he, without consultation, sent the army to fight for Kabila in DRC. If the arrangement is to offer Gaddafi a brief haven in this desert storm, it looks fanciful. Not only because this practice makes the already fragile crisis so huge that seeing beyond it is hard. It gravely endangers the chances of a sustainable peace and cooperation in Africa and the entire world.
So with this self-inflicted foreign policy failure the people who are concerned with the end of conflict like Zuma and AU 'road map' or the removal of Gaddafi like Cameron and Sarkozy, they are not under any illusion that getting rid of Gaddafi and ending the conflict would produce a perfectly just order in Libya. It would be interesting to see if they mind about those young children and women we see dying every day. If they are going to conquer the peril of their selfish desires then NATO, the Arab LEague, AU and the Libyans should pause and say 'this can't go on'. In the interest of peace, what does it cost to resolve differences through good faith negotiations?
I am beginning to worry that for me, and many Africans alike, what we are seeing in Libya is rather not the way to achieve long term peace settlement. Are we being charmed by what these glittery and beautiful Western democracies offer us? Yet, losing our sovereignty seems to be the ultimate price we are willing to pay.
Sunday 8 May 2011
Sunday 1 May 2011
History isn't finished: Now let's think again.
Granting post-independent Zimbabweans freedom to interact with some of the heroes of a bygone liberation struggle helps us understand why so many lives were lost. Our independence on 18th April does not tell the whole story. To some this may seem a trivial issue but the values it symbolises does matter. Those who don't approve of the opinion are reminded; this independence is only a partial victory because our liberation will will not be complete until we are a true sovereignty and claim what is rightfully ours.
Every citizen should remember the First and Second Chiurenga wars that brought us independence. My first encounter with these events included reading Social Studies and History at school. I also recite my meeting with the late Dr Michael Mawema (a Historian and distinguished veteran of our liberation struggle) in 1999 at his Milton Park home. He poured his heart out about his experience and eventually emphasised that our country's history should not be a closely guarded secret but instead a source of pride to inspire future generations. To this day I am proud to have shared that moment and, most importantly, I listened and learned.
I am not saying much that hasn't been said before but it's worth a prescription to the other doses that may not have clearly gotten through. All these struggles meant challenging white supremacy, fighting social injustice, our desire to self govern and addressing the socioeconomic imbalances between the minority White Rhodesians and the landless masses of the Black majority. This is what motivated the great sons and daughters of Zimbabwe, dead and alive, black and white, the native and immigrant, and above all to paint a balanced portrait: all tribes.
There was no law that required the sons and daughters of Zimbabwe to take up arms and fight. Pressure from within individuals was so immense that they each felt they had a duty to not conform. They felt it was the only way to correct some historic and current imbalances at that time which have not been in favour of the Black majority. Coupled with passionate enthusiasm, it was these rituals and extremes of ambition that enabled them to conquer imperialists.
Consider the basis on which this liberation struggle was conducted. There were no terms of reference, but there existed a striking degree of agreement among the freedom fighters. They were not organised but taught self-discipline and were able to build relationships between groups that were previously divided. In so doing they were capable of establishing a credible leadership in the moulds of Herbert Chitepo, Alfred Mangena, Abel Muzorewa, Joshua Nkomo and Josiah Tongogara, among others. No ballot existed butthe leadership was built on ability to lead, mutual trust and at times implicit principles. Some, if not most, freedom fighters had no idea what they were doing or why they were doing it.
It was or this self sacrifice that these sons and daughters of Zimbabwe would sing those joyful lyrics about revolution all night long, "Iva gamba, Iva gamba, utarire mhandu" (be a hero, be a hero, watch for the enemy). Non-runners would run bare footed with empty stomachs in pursuit of that promised land or at least bring the country back home to the cheering parents and children. Sadly some never lived to see this day.
Not so in independent Zimbabwe. People have so far lost focus on the importance of that vision and the belief that our sons and daughters died for. Our countrymen today have in theory some horrific desires that make a mockery of themselves. In practice, they have become enemies and with only one abiding motive; greed. So many politicians believe that by sabotaging the economy they are sabotaging fellow politicians. With lost points of reference, politicians are getting away with anything, having kid-glove treatment for so long and spectacularly profiting from near economic catastrophe with Robert Mugabe turning a blind eye while sitting on his hands. This is disastrous as experience has show with apparently fatal consequences. It is the ordinary men who suffer and it is the spirit of those brave freedom fighters who never made it back home that are politicians are suffocating.
We are now in the 31st year of practical control of our country. Yet far from being the masters we seem, more than ever, the captives of this independence. Logically, as a major owner of the country, we should challenge why the government has failed to promote and fulfill most of its promises to date. There is no obvious answer and we can only assume that criticizing them is only likely to make those accountable more foolish and annoyed.
Yet the view of many Zimbabweans appears to be that our political sphere has actors who continuously refuse to leave the platform despite woeful performance and disapproval from the crowds. Elections are swayed by corrupt tendencies. Key parts of the country e.g. Masvingo and Matebeleland have continuously suffered from neglect and marginalisation by the ZANU (PF) government. That the Gini-coefficient, which measures the gap between the rich and poor in our communities, is one of the highest in Africa. Generally for the vast majority life has become relentlessly stressful and too harsh to contemplate. It is easy to see, easy to say and easy to find evidence, but ask a ZANU (PF) hardcore and they wont see it that way. THe sad thing is that our country has vast amounts of natural resources and untapped minerals which, if managed properly, can get us out of this economic profligacy and bring prosperity. Though this day is not about arguments for broken promises and malpractices, it's worth mentioning.
Furthermore, politicians should redirect their efforts from accumulating personal wealth and closing the leadership vacuum. This lost relationship and focus is vital in organising and providing the leadership our societies need to generate positive change for the people who brought them to power. People have exclusive rights to Zimbabwe's future and not political parties or politicians. Yet as in all the greatest tragedies, in its ideals and virtues lay the spirit of those brave Zimbabweans who perished at Chimoio and Nyadzonia feeling betrayed and in astonishment.
Also, if blame must be laid for the country's inability to fulfill those independent promises, it can't be entirely at the hands of present leadership (and The West, as Mugabe always wants to put it). Allow me to correctly accuse the forgetful sons and daughters of Zimbabwe; a generation lacking a sense of belonging, patriotism and sometimes too extreme. Let there be an explanation of payoff between abusing democratic space and betrayal; being wholly oneself or being divided and being spectators or actors. They are different sides of the same coin that compares to a choice between Alzheimer's and Parkinson's. Ask what it means for English cricket fans to beat Australia in an Ashes series, this generation of Zimbabweans is reminded to arouse pan-African sentiment and rally behind the home team.
Rallying behind the home team consists of spending valuable time and knowledge to take off from where those brave sons and daughters left. Rallying behind the home team is not continuing to demonstrate angry rhetoric and preventing reform. Such short sightedness in decision making will live to be regretted forever. This also consists of cheering and encouraging our fellow countrymen when they have done well. THere is no way of quietly enjoying or keeping out of politics; either you are part of it or your soul will cringe away from the whole affair altogether, as George Orwell says "all issues are political issues". Instead of laughing out loud, object not and do what you know best - Murimi tora badza urime (the farmer should grab the hoe and get on with it). Opposition for opposition's sake isn't always a good practice. To borrow a phrase, it goes to the adage, "Ask not what you're country can do for you but what you can do for your country". The trouble is that some may hesitate to agree. But I do agree.
We once had vibrant flagship technology and industrial policies in Zimbabwe. Without any doubt world class researchers, mainly indigenous to Zimbabwe, have gotten expertise from abroad and returned to design and support the creation of new technology. I am not talking of Nomatter Tagarira's (a.k.a. Rotina Mavhunga) type of Chinhoyi diesel exploration that made Dydmus Mutasa more foolish and yet reduced archaeologists to mere refuse collectors. These public-donor funded government laboratories interacted with our universities, financial institutions and private firms. The interaction formed innovative systems in which powerful incentives were provided to sustain our own future development and self reliance.
The future of Zimbabwe now needs further reform and what brings this to life is democracy and empowerment. Though this is a long process we require reforms that fulfill vital national interests. If the wider society is allowed to participate, fulfilling the wishes of those brave freedom fighters; these reforms define our country's future as history has done. Let history remind us of the riskiness of some of our actions. Not everything has to be set to change but obviously the face of politics, fiscal policies, welfare, education and justice systems require immediate resuscitation. These reforms, like our liberation wars, require a collective effort and share norms of behaviors even against our own immediate interests.
The present leadership claim to have seen it all but seem hungry and motivated by money and an obsession with power. To credit Caesar his dues, they have been masterful at uniting Zimbabweans against foreign predatory plotting and denouncing interference. Whether they are right too in wanting indigenous people to own a controlling stake in domestic business remains to be seen. Zimbabwe no longer subscribes to neo-colonial actions. The virtues I see in this government are a pointer in the wrong direction and at the wrong point in time because it is difficult to see what they are conscientiously seeking to do. That is why I call for reforms that satisfy us most and leave a lasting legacy with no alternatives. This accomplishment will satisfy the vision of those brothers and sisters who could not live to see this day. And this reform package could then be passed on to other generations who, with indulgence and cooperation, ensure a smooth running of the country because with it comes sovereignty, freedom and people's power.
What sends us to war and brought independence is the belief that we can govern ourselves. We can solve complex issues. It is this paradigm shift we need to re-establish and safeguard our country's sovereignty, be more equal to our natural resources and observing our moral values. It is this paradigm shift that we need, to re-engage with the spirit of those who fought and died for our independence, embrace patriotism and wider participation in real politics without fear of victimisation and to hold people to account. We need not betray our beautiful country. More beautiful then, one day we will look back, appreciate, smile at all our efforts and say "We did it ourselves".
Every citizen should remember the First and Second Chiurenga wars that brought us independence. My first encounter with these events included reading Social Studies and History at school. I also recite my meeting with the late Dr Michael Mawema (a Historian and distinguished veteran of our liberation struggle) in 1999 at his Milton Park home. He poured his heart out about his experience and eventually emphasised that our country's history should not be a closely guarded secret but instead a source of pride to inspire future generations. To this day I am proud to have shared that moment and, most importantly, I listened and learned.
I am not saying much that hasn't been said before but it's worth a prescription to the other doses that may not have clearly gotten through. All these struggles meant challenging white supremacy, fighting social injustice, our desire to self govern and addressing the socioeconomic imbalances between the minority White Rhodesians and the landless masses of the Black majority. This is what motivated the great sons and daughters of Zimbabwe, dead and alive, black and white, the native and immigrant, and above all to paint a balanced portrait: all tribes.
There was no law that required the sons and daughters of Zimbabwe to take up arms and fight. Pressure from within individuals was so immense that they each felt they had a duty to not conform. They felt it was the only way to correct some historic and current imbalances at that time which have not been in favour of the Black majority. Coupled with passionate enthusiasm, it was these rituals and extremes of ambition that enabled them to conquer imperialists.
Consider the basis on which this liberation struggle was conducted. There were no terms of reference, but there existed a striking degree of agreement among the freedom fighters. They were not organised but taught self-discipline and were able to build relationships between groups that were previously divided. In so doing they were capable of establishing a credible leadership in the moulds of Herbert Chitepo, Alfred Mangena, Abel Muzorewa, Joshua Nkomo and Josiah Tongogara, among others. No ballot existed butthe leadership was built on ability to lead, mutual trust and at times implicit principles. Some, if not most, freedom fighters had no idea what they were doing or why they were doing it.
It was or this self sacrifice that these sons and daughters of Zimbabwe would sing those joyful lyrics about revolution all night long, "Iva gamba, Iva gamba, utarire mhandu" (be a hero, be a hero, watch for the enemy). Non-runners would run bare footed with empty stomachs in pursuit of that promised land or at least bring the country back home to the cheering parents and children. Sadly some never lived to see this day.
Not so in independent Zimbabwe. People have so far lost focus on the importance of that vision and the belief that our sons and daughters died for. Our countrymen today have in theory some horrific desires that make a mockery of themselves. In practice, they have become enemies and with only one abiding motive; greed. So many politicians believe that by sabotaging the economy they are sabotaging fellow politicians. With lost points of reference, politicians are getting away with anything, having kid-glove treatment for so long and spectacularly profiting from near economic catastrophe with Robert Mugabe turning a blind eye while sitting on his hands. This is disastrous as experience has show with apparently fatal consequences. It is the ordinary men who suffer and it is the spirit of those brave freedom fighters who never made it back home that are politicians are suffocating.
We are now in the 31st year of practical control of our country. Yet far from being the masters we seem, more than ever, the captives of this independence. Logically, as a major owner of the country, we should challenge why the government has failed to promote and fulfill most of its promises to date. There is no obvious answer and we can only assume that criticizing them is only likely to make those accountable more foolish and annoyed.
Yet the view of many Zimbabweans appears to be that our political sphere has actors who continuously refuse to leave the platform despite woeful performance and disapproval from the crowds. Elections are swayed by corrupt tendencies. Key parts of the country e.g. Masvingo and Matebeleland have continuously suffered from neglect and marginalisation by the ZANU (PF) government. That the Gini-coefficient, which measures the gap between the rich and poor in our communities, is one of the highest in Africa. Generally for the vast majority life has become relentlessly stressful and too harsh to contemplate. It is easy to see, easy to say and easy to find evidence, but ask a ZANU (PF) hardcore and they wont see it that way. THe sad thing is that our country has vast amounts of natural resources and untapped minerals which, if managed properly, can get us out of this economic profligacy and bring prosperity. Though this day is not about arguments for broken promises and malpractices, it's worth mentioning.
Furthermore, politicians should redirect their efforts from accumulating personal wealth and closing the leadership vacuum. This lost relationship and focus is vital in organising and providing the leadership our societies need to generate positive change for the people who brought them to power. People have exclusive rights to Zimbabwe's future and not political parties or politicians. Yet as in all the greatest tragedies, in its ideals and virtues lay the spirit of those brave Zimbabweans who perished at Chimoio and Nyadzonia feeling betrayed and in astonishment.
Also, if blame must be laid for the country's inability to fulfill those independent promises, it can't be entirely at the hands of present leadership (and The West, as Mugabe always wants to put it). Allow me to correctly accuse the forgetful sons and daughters of Zimbabwe; a generation lacking a sense of belonging, patriotism and sometimes too extreme. Let there be an explanation of payoff between abusing democratic space and betrayal; being wholly oneself or being divided and being spectators or actors. They are different sides of the same coin that compares to a choice between Alzheimer's and Parkinson's. Ask what it means for English cricket fans to beat Australia in an Ashes series, this generation of Zimbabweans is reminded to arouse pan-African sentiment and rally behind the home team.
Rallying behind the home team consists of spending valuable time and knowledge to take off from where those brave sons and daughters left. Rallying behind the home team is not continuing to demonstrate angry rhetoric and preventing reform. Such short sightedness in decision making will live to be regretted forever. This also consists of cheering and encouraging our fellow countrymen when they have done well. THere is no way of quietly enjoying or keeping out of politics; either you are part of it or your soul will cringe away from the whole affair altogether, as George Orwell says "all issues are political issues". Instead of laughing out loud, object not and do what you know best - Murimi tora badza urime (the farmer should grab the hoe and get on with it). Opposition for opposition's sake isn't always a good practice. To borrow a phrase, it goes to the adage, "Ask not what you're country can do for you but what you can do for your country". The trouble is that some may hesitate to agree. But I do agree.
We once had vibrant flagship technology and industrial policies in Zimbabwe. Without any doubt world class researchers, mainly indigenous to Zimbabwe, have gotten expertise from abroad and returned to design and support the creation of new technology. I am not talking of Nomatter Tagarira's (a.k.a. Rotina Mavhunga) type of Chinhoyi diesel exploration that made Dydmus Mutasa more foolish and yet reduced archaeologists to mere refuse collectors. These public-donor funded government laboratories interacted with our universities, financial institutions and private firms. The interaction formed innovative systems in which powerful incentives were provided to sustain our own future development and self reliance.
The future of Zimbabwe now needs further reform and what brings this to life is democracy and empowerment. Though this is a long process we require reforms that fulfill vital national interests. If the wider society is allowed to participate, fulfilling the wishes of those brave freedom fighters; these reforms define our country's future as history has done. Let history remind us of the riskiness of some of our actions. Not everything has to be set to change but obviously the face of politics, fiscal policies, welfare, education and justice systems require immediate resuscitation. These reforms, like our liberation wars, require a collective effort and share norms of behaviors even against our own immediate interests.
The present leadership claim to have seen it all but seem hungry and motivated by money and an obsession with power. To credit Caesar his dues, they have been masterful at uniting Zimbabweans against foreign predatory plotting and denouncing interference. Whether they are right too in wanting indigenous people to own a controlling stake in domestic business remains to be seen. Zimbabwe no longer subscribes to neo-colonial actions. The virtues I see in this government are a pointer in the wrong direction and at the wrong point in time because it is difficult to see what they are conscientiously seeking to do. That is why I call for reforms that satisfy us most and leave a lasting legacy with no alternatives. This accomplishment will satisfy the vision of those brothers and sisters who could not live to see this day. And this reform package could then be passed on to other generations who, with indulgence and cooperation, ensure a smooth running of the country because with it comes sovereignty, freedom and people's power.
What sends us to war and brought independence is the belief that we can govern ourselves. We can solve complex issues. It is this paradigm shift we need to re-establish and safeguard our country's sovereignty, be more equal to our natural resources and observing our moral values. It is this paradigm shift that we need, to re-engage with the spirit of those who fought and died for our independence, embrace patriotism and wider participation in real politics without fear of victimisation and to hold people to account. We need not betray our beautiful country. More beautiful then, one day we will look back, appreciate, smile at all our efforts and say "We did it ourselves".
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)