Zimbabwe Abductions: Fighting Dissenting Voices in The Worst Way Possible

by Gift Kugara

Gift Kugara

The recent alleged abduction of Zimbabwe Hospital Doctors Association President Dr Peter Magombeyi raises yet another grave dilemma faced by citizens when they stand up to their failing government. I have observed that what is happening in Zimbabwe is shaping up as high-end debacle. What I found interesting is that there is no shortage of culprits: previous and present ZANU PF governments, MDC-A, Third Force , the West and even individuals abducting themselves .As in many cases before, everyone is quick to point a finger at someone else and prescribing their favourite opinions. Under the current climate, it is difficult to blame MDC-A, Third Force or the victims.

To have a good understanding of why we are in this present scenario, it is important to trace back at some of the well-publicised abduction cases that took place before and after independence.

In 1975, a member of the ZANU Central Committee, politician and lawyer, Edson Sithole was abducted at a local hotel in Salisbury and has never been seen or heard of. His mysterious disappearance has been linked to his political activities. The blame for his kidnapping and possible elimination was put on Ian Smith’s Rhodesia .This was the first blunder to blame Ian Smith in a pool with so many swimmers.

In 1979, a British born white Catholic priest John Bradburne was abducted from his small hut in Mutemwa, north-east Zimbabwe, tortured and shot in the back. He was accused of being an informer. Again another debatable death Father Fidelis Mukonori told the BBC that he believed the killers were Rhodesian Special Forces, pretending to be guerrillas fighting the white-minority government. The war was coming to an end and the Rhodesian forces were no longer operating in that area. They may have left but with no adequate safeguarding against divided and furious black guerrilla fighters. For this one should blame Ian Smith for he should have made the provision to look after the safety of all citizens during the ceasefire arrangements. This blunder number two empowered the guerrilla fighters and their leadership to distance themselves from the horrific act, despite indications that they may have killed the priest.

In 2008, Tonderayi Ndira, a popular Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) youth leader and activist, was murdered in cold blood after he was abducted in Mabvuku by people driving a white Toyota single cab with a fake registration number.

Later in the same year journalist and human rights activist, Jestina Mukoko was abducted by Zimbabwean security forces from her home in Harare in the early hours of the morning by suspected state agents for allegedly being involved in plans for anti-government demonstrations. She was to be released after months for campaigns and court actions.

The list goes on and on to include, Cain Nkala, Comedian Samantha Kureya and more recently Dr Magombeyi.

What is significant is that all these blunders were made before this present government assumed power. It is evident that Zanu PF made and inherited all these mistakes from the very beginning. Someone within the system should have noticed a disaster in progress that has become obvious even to the ruling Zanu PF after the abduction and murder of Cain Nkala. Even if that didn’t discourage them, the murder of a reported 20000 civilians during Gukhurahundi should have given someone a clue that something is wrong. Even the late Robert Mugabe should have understood that there is a problem.

Zanu PF and the government have always desired to eliminate their political opponents in the worst way possible: abductions and murder. These abductions show how they have proceeded to demonstrate the worst way to fight any opposing voice and in the process making more mistakes.

It is also important to note that in all these arguments, political orientation shapes opinions. And as such one can hold to different narratives. One can believe that there is nothing the Zanu PF government stands to gain by abducting political opponents at a time when it’s trying so hard to rebuild its soiled reputation. Or, one can believe that the opposition can pull out all its bags of tricks to expose the government and push its agenda through stage-managed abductions. Make your choice. The result is unchanged.

As international attention and pressure grew, the Zimbabwe government continued and continues to act as if it has all the time in the world. Disastrous mistakes were brushed off with no apology at all, no explanation but accuse the opposition of carrying out abductions. Only when they are put in a corner, they suddenly woke up and promise an investigation.

Above all, the Mnangagwa led government and the Zanu PF don’t seem to understand the implications of their public statements. First, Mnangagwa is on numerous occasions on record talking about eliminating Lawyers and Doctors who assist opposition supporters. He does not understand that any confrontation that does not completely destroy the opposition makes it even much stronger and this is effectively the natural set up. Second Mnangagwa does not understand what is at stake. He is clueless and does not know what to do in this situation. He might opt to embrace different tactics that might produce positive results, or it might brew much bigger trouble. At least one can get to know what is clearly wrong, however. It is wrong to assume everything is right and to keep saying everything is right when everyone knows it is not. It is wrong to keep doing the same thing when the same thing isn’t working. Remaining with the same tactic seems almost certain to give opposing voices a great victory.

Gift Kugara writes from the United Kingdom. He is passionate about penal reform, politics, Big data analytics and actuarial modelling. Follow him on Twitter at @GKMwa

Top ZANU PF official urges Gukurahundi redress

A senior ZANU PF official, Retired Colonel Tshinga Dube, has urged redress for victims of the Gukurahundi massacres which were carried out by the government of Robert Mugabe when he was Prime Minister supreme between 1980 and 1987.
This is the first time in Zimbabwean history a top ZANU PF official has opened the Gukurahundi subject in this way.

Rt Colonel Tshinga Dube:Zanu Pf is wrong

Dube called on Mugabe’s government to own up to their deeds: “We should never sweep these issues under the carpet. We should come out in the open and say we made some very serious mistakes”. President Mugabe has on one previous occasion stated that the Gukurahundi massacres were a “moment of madness” but that is the closest he has come to admitting that his administration committed serious wrongs against the people of Matabeleland.
Many people in the Matabeleland and Midlands region are still bitter at the Gukurahundi massacres in which an estimated 20,000 innocent civilians were killed by the notorious North Korean trained Fifth Brigade. Most people have not forgiven ZANU PF, because it has not openly accepted responsibility for its active role in the massacres; and so Ndebele people continue to show their disapproval by voting against ZANU PF candidates in national elections.
In the 1980s, Joshua Nkomo’s PF ZAPU dominated in the region and the MDC-T led by Morgan Tsvangirai in later years snatched most of the votes in this region.
In the interview, Dube pointedly refused to blame his senior colleagues for the loss of grassroots support in Matabeleland, stating that “This [loss of grassroots support] is not their fault. It’s because of the mishaps that took place in Matabeleland. The ordinary people are still hurt because of some of these things. I believe as a government we have not done enough to address some of those problems”. He added, “You know people won’t go shouting in the streets talking about Guku­rahundi, but some of them have it in their hearts. They are just quiet, but when it comes for them to show their feelings, one of the ways is not to vote for us. So we the people from that area, when we ask for their votes, they don’t vote for us. They vote for opposition not because they like it but because they feel they are a better devil than us. I think we need to address those fundamental issues. We take them lightly sometimes, but deep in their hearts the people still have them”.
Dube’s candid comments are seen as a reminder to the ZANU PF leadership that Gukurahundi is unfinished business. An analyst who spoke on condition of anonymity stated: “ZANU PF has no chance whatsoever in Matabeleland after their atrocities in the 1980s and the refusal to acknowledge their deeds and find redress for the victims. Retired Colonel Tshinga Dube is absolutely spot on – ZANU PF is unelectable in Matabeleland, unless they at least do something to redress past and continuing wrongs.”
ZANU PF has drastically amended the COPAC Draft constitution to remove the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission, which like South Africa’s famous Truth and Reconciliation would have dealt with issues of correcting past wrongs including Gukurahundi.
In another revelation, Dube about the sensitive subject of devolution which his party has completely dismissed in amendments to the COPAC Draft constitution. The senior cadre pointed to the issue of unequal development in Matabeleland as one of the issues linked to the calls for devolution. “There are certain issues like economic issues which must be addressed,” he said.
“Everybody in the country knows that Bulawayo is a dying city; most industries have closed down, unem­ployment is at its highest and yet not long ago, Bulawayo was the industrial hub of this coun­try.
“Those things must be addressed.
“We talk of funds meant for Bulawayo, but we haven’t seen them.
“All these things may not mean anything to you and me, but for someone who is down there, they feel it. There are also very few schools out there, in some areas people have to travel for about 15km to go to school.”, said Dube.
He linked Bulawayo’s problems to calls for devolution saying, “Some of the peo­ple believe that there will be equal share of resources of the country . . . That’s the thinking in some people.”
Asked if he believed in devolution, unlike his party, Dube was less candid. He stated, “I don’t know, you see, we in the Politburo we have called it decentralisation which I believe is one and the same thing. Only that the connotations change according to what you think. I don’t think there is much dif­ference between devolution and decentralisa­tion. The issue about devolution and decen­tralisation has been misconstrued . . .”

Gukurahundi victims

An analyst, Solomon Mutsaigwa said if Dube did not like devolution, he would have dismissed it completely just as his party has done. “The fact that he is equating devolution to decentralisation, which ZANU PF prefers he is essentially saying ZANU PF is drawing a distinction without a difference. Of course, he is demonstrating his own failure to understand the difference between devolution and decentralisation, but he is also showing sympathy and support for devolution, that he thinks it’s the same as decentralisation which his colleagues in ZANU PF prefer. His position reflects thinking among many people from the peripheral regions and is reflective of the confusion and lack of consensus on these issues even within ZANU PF itself”, said Mutsaigwa.
Dube said that ZANU PF needs to work hard to maintain its existence. “We have to work very hard. I know that we have a lot of supporters out there, but there are a lot of detractors as well”, he said.

Chief ZANU PF apologist Zvayi overlooked in major Zimpapers reshuffle

By Denford Ncube

ZANU (PF) apologist and deputy editor at the state owned Herald has been left to dry in a senior editorial reshuffle announced on Monday this week by Zimpapers Board Chairman Dr Paul Chimedza.

In a move that observers claim is clear indication that, despite his best efforts over the years to sing the ZANU PF tune, the Zimpapers board and their political masters have no confidence in Zvayi’s abilities, the Board has instead decided to move Innocent Gore from the Bulawayo-based Chronicle to head the editorial at Herald ahead of Zvayi. Zvayi has been deputising William Chikoto who has been moved upstairs into a new role – a usual tactic at Zimpapers when an editor at the flagship Herald is being demoted. Gore’s move from the Chronicle to the Herald is seen as a promotion

Caesar Zvayi with Robert Mugabe -"Left to dry"

given The Herald’s flagship status at Zimpapers. But observers say Zvayi, the former geography teacher, would have expected a promotion particularly given his openly partisan and biased opinions that he regularly publishes in the Herald. “Like all apologists, he would have expected some kind of reward and he must be sorely disappointed at being overlooked for a senior role at The Herald in this reshuffle”, a source said.

Zvayi has had a chequered history at The Herald. The former geography teacher assaulted a female journalist, Thelma Chikwanha in the newsroom in 2005 for which he was arrested and paid an admission of guilt fine. In January 2007, the High Court ordered him to pay damages to Chikwanha after she sued him for the assault.

In 2009 Zvayi, a former political editor faced an internal enquiry into an alleged sexual harassment of a female colleague, Thelma Chikwanha which resulted in him being given a final warning.

In the same year, there were reports of sexual harassment and nepotism at Zimpapers. There revelations were made public in a report by a parliamentary committee on transport and communications which was looking at the state of Zimbabwe’s public media.

Zvayi, once a fiery critic of President Robert Mugabe before switching allegiance has been one ZANU (PF) key apologists who use vast space in the state to issue vitriolic attacks against MDC leader and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his party, who defeated Mugabe and ZANU PF in the March 2008 elections.

The latest reshuffle at Zimpapers saw assistant editor Itai Musengeyi taking the top post at Chronicle. William Chikoto who was Herald editor becomes group editorial executive. Thumeliso Makhurane who was assistant editor at chronicle comes in as senior assistant editor at The Herald while Innocent Madonko from Sunday news fills in Makhurane’s post at The Chronicle.

“The reshuffle is a political move ahead of the coming elections. Chikoto is seen as a softy while Gore and Musengeyi are hardliners”, said a senior reporter at Herald who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Although Zvayi writes so much in support of ZANU PF his loyalty has been questioned especially after he jumped ship at one point fleeing to Botswana where he had got employment at the university. He had an unceremonious departure from Botswana from where he was effectively deported after which he made serious personal attacks against Botswana President Ian Khama.

Sources said, apart from his doubtful journalistic qualifications, his temperament is suspect and it is inconceivable that a person of such temperament could be trusted with the top role at The Herald or even The Chronicle, where Musengeyi has been appointed editor ahead of Zvayi. (ZIMBABWE, ZimEye)

Masaiti Matter: Media Must Avoid Negative Stereotypes against Women and Widows

A recent case involving MDC-T MP Evelyn Masaiti's failed attempt to marry her foreign partner, a Cameroonian yet again illustrates the raw deal women in general and women politicians in particular receive in the media.  The narrative in some media went beyond what was really necessarily to describe the story and instead touched on sensitive issues about Masaiti's private life which seemed to be at casting doubt on her personal integrity. It is doubtful that such treatment would have been meted to a male politician.

For example, having narrated the refusal by the Masvingo Magistrate to preside over the marriage on the ground that her prospective husband had failed to produce the required certificate of no marriage from his home country, some media reports went on to describe how Masaiti's previous husband, Isaac Matongo had died. The language used seemed to suggest that Matongo had died as a result of a sexual encounter with Masaiti. A report on one website describes in the following crude terms: "Matongo died of a heart attack on May 2, 2007, after romping with Masaiti”.

The language suggests that Matongo succumbed to his death following a sexual encounter with Masaiti. This comes after a paragraph that describes Masaiti's alleged infidelity.

Basically the report tries to paint Masaiti's character in hideous terms. In basic terms it says: here is an MP, whose previous three husbands have died, including one who died in the aftermath of a "sexual romp", who has been accused of infidelity and is now seeking to marry a younger, foreign man. At a time when Zimbabwe is apparently making strides to improve the lot of women; to change attitudes toward women and women politicians in particular, such reporting in the media is unhelpful and simply strengthens the age-old stereotypes of women in public life.

It is this type of characterisation that dissuades women from entering public life, let alone participating in politics. Besides the old stereotypes about women, it also perpetuates negative stereotypes about widows. It is unfair, morally questionable and discriminatory to treat women who have suffered misfortune in this way. This is why the constitution must be emphatic about the prohibition of discriminatory conduct towards women on the basis of marital status. It is also the same reason why hate speech or language that promotes hostility and discrimination towards women must be proscribed in the constitution.

Freedom of the media is a wonderful thing which must be vigorously defended but it is important to have provisions which ensure that speech that encourages hate, hostility or discrimination must be prohibited and those responsible for it must be held to account.

One can imagine young women aspiring to enter politics reading such a negative story that reveals ugly but unnecessary private detail about a politician and makes hostile innuendoes. Or a widow who has ambitions to enter politics or participate in public life. Would they be prepared to put up with unnecessary revelations about their private lives - details not about the fact that their husbands died but that seem to suggest that they were somehow responsible for it? And worse, even when such innuendoes are not supported by facts but reflect a reporter's reckless and wild imagination?  It is such attitudes and practices that continue to place serious barriers in the paths of women engaging in politics or public life in general.

The media has a serious responsibility to discharge in undoing the old stereotypes towards women and widows. It has a moral obligation, having so much freedom that is rightfully defended, to promote and further the cause of women.

On the issue of the refusal by the magistrate to preside over the marriage, one would have expected a more robust and critical analysis of the law that effectively prohibits Zimbabweans (men and women, alike) to marry foreigners. Indeed, the requirement to produce a certificate of no marriage could very well be in violation of Zimbabwean citizens' fundamental rights - to movement and association.

Magistrate, Jabulani Mzinyathi is reported to have stated that "Under the law reforms, foreigners are now required to produce a verifiable “certificate of no marriage” from their countries of origin before they marry in Zimbabwe."

This measure is presumably a response to the alleged rampant abuse of the marriage institution which since the landmark decision of the Supreme Court of Zimbabwe in the 1994 case of Rattigan and Others v. Chief Immigration Officer of Zimbabwe, Where it ruled that “ to prohibit the husbands from residing in Zimbabwe and so disable them from living with their wives in the country of which they are citizens and to which they owe allegiance, is in effect to undermine and devalue the protection of freedom of movement accorded to each of the wives as a member of a family unit". This enabled foreign husbands of Zimbabwean citizens to be entitled to live with their wives in Zimbabwe. The various rules and mechanisms that foreign husbands needed to fulfill were therefore a hindrance to women's enjoyment of their constitutional rights especially viewed in the context that Zimbabwean women were at the time being treated differently from their male counterparts. However, this also opened the gates and created a problem from an immigration point of view.

In efforts to control the influx of foreigners trying to exploit Zimbabwe's lax immigration laws through the marriage institution, the state has responded by creating measures to prevent what are commonly referred to as sham marriages or marriages of convenience. It is not unusual for foreigners seeking immigration papers to pay their way into a marriage. The state's mechanisms to control the escalation of such marriages is to require the foreigner to produce a certificate of no marriage.

The public interest to control immigration must be balanced with the private interests of the parties involved, in particular the Zimbabwean's citizen's fundamental rights. Using this test, it is possible to judge whether the requirement of a certificate of no marriage is a reasonable requirement in a democratic society.

How reasonable is it to expect a certificate of no marriage to be produced before a marriage can be allowed? Does this not depend on whether the foreign partner's home country recognises, let alone produces such a certificate in the first place? Does this mean that if the foreign country does not provide for such certificates, the Zimbabwean citizen will be unable to marry her foreign partner under Zimbabwean law? The effect of this requirement could be such that Zimbabwean citizens intending to marry their foreign partners may be prevented from doing so under Zimbabwean law for no other reason except that the certificate of no marriage cannot be produced and not because of the fault of the Zimbabwean citizen or his/her foreign partner. Arguably, this would be unreasonable. It would violate the Zimbabwean's citizen's right to freedom of association which also includes the right to relate to and marry a person of one's choice. The fact that the chosen partner is a foreigner should not be reason enough to discriminate Zimbabwean citizen's right.

In fact, one could ask why the same requirement is not required of two Zimbabwean intending to marry because the very existence of bigamy laws is an acknowledgement of the fact that there are people who marry illegally whilst they are married elsewhere. The same problem of a person marrying whilst married to someone else exists in respect of prospective Zimbabwean spouses as it does in respect of foreigners. The discrimination here is not between the Zimbabwean and the foreigner but between two Zimbabwean citizens one intending to marry a Zimbabwean and the other intending to marry a foreigner. There is no rationale basis for requiring a certificate of no marriage from one but not the other.

It is possible that the requirement can be challenged in court because it may be unconstitutional. One would expect that the media would be more critical of the law as opposed to delving into the private affairs of Masaiti, which are hardly supported by facts. Much of it is innuendo and suggestions regarding her character and personality that borders on vilification? The media does a disservice to the cause of women's empowerment when it perpetuates such stereotypes as we saw in this matter.

It is about striking the right balance between respect for women and a firm assertion of our laws given the current demonization and the insensitivity demonstrated by the press. One’s thoughts are drawn to Oliver Mutukudzi’s timeless song, Neria. The line, “Kufirwa nemurume hanzvadzi, zvinoda mwoyo wekushinga”. (To lose a husband is a difficult ordeal, my sister. It requires a strong heart.)

Masaiti and those in her unfortunate position may find some comfort in these words. But we must take responsibility; accept equality and the emancipation of women. How we treat women politicians or women in public life in general is fundamental in this endeavour. 

This article was originally published on www.newzimbabwe.com , www.zimeye.org , http://www.nehandaradio/ , http://www.herald.co.zw/ & http://www.allafrica.com/

Mzembi, Nhema plagued by humiliation as conservancy woes mount.

The latest invasion of Chiredzi River Conservancy (CRC) has left Walter Mzembi and Francis Nhema, ministers responsible for Zimbabwe’s Tourism and Environment respectively facing a rare political humiliation.

Minister Mzembi is now in China, after visiting Chicago and Berlin, preparing for Zimbabwe to host the United Nations World Tourism Organisation Assembly in Victoria Falls next year. But greater abuse is taking place at home.

Invasions on Sunday 18th March 2012 of Oscro and Wasara Ranch, CRC exploded into the open with horrific images of freshly slaughtered elephants. Gangs of armed men could be seen building structures.
Barely last month, Francis Nhema acknowledged the problem of poaching and vowed to do more to help the situation. Mzembi also said that anyone who seeks to violate the law through invasions will be arrested.

A sceptical Zimbabwe based conservationists told ZimEye.com, “It appears these Ministers are not for real regarding saving wildlife in Conservancies, particularly CRC. No action on the ground. What is Mzembi and Nhema doing about it? Appears nothing, just paying lip service. They can stop an MDC meeting with all its support in Zimbabwe, at a moment’s notice, but cannot stop the invasions. It is very apparent that it has been planned for a long time to destroy what is left, and carry this out to the end”.

So it comes as something of a shock to see Mzembi “Crowned African Tourism Minister of the year 2011″, said a leading Wildlife Conservationist based at University of Kent’s School of Anthropology & Conservation. He went on to say “It is ridiculous that when Zimbabwe is due to host a major tourism conference, it is allowing marauding gangs to violate conservancies and animal rights so flagrantly. It takes Zimbabwe back many steps”.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwean conservationists and animal-rights groups have hit out at Donald Trump’s millionaire sons, Donald Jnr and Eric for cruelty after photographs emerged on the internet of them standing next to animals shot dead during a hunting holiday in Zimbabwe last year.

Nhema vows to fight for Zimbabwe’s remaining wildlife

The Minister in charge of Zimbabwe’s Environment, Francis Nhema, has urged people not just to politicise issues relating to wildlife but to do more to help the deteriorating situation, after it emerged that ZANU (PF) and other senior government officials are involved in butchering of elephants in Chiredzi River Conservancy (CRC) and Gonarezhou National Parks.

He responded this morning after criticism from Kerry Kay, Secretary for Environment and Climate Change (MDC T), for not showing any muscle to stop the destruction of the environment and wildlife, especially the despicable way in which National Parks Officials have behaved.

I would rather have more animals than human beings - Nhema

Unconfirmed reports say that out of 70 CRC resident elephants, in 2011 alone, only about 40 are accounted for today.

Mr Nhema pinned the blame on greedy individuals working with foreigners going beyond their remit in acting illegally, but environmental campaigners (names withheld) said he is looking for scapegoats and that these destructions were a direct result of ignorance and government orders.

In a telephone interview, from Harare, the soft spoken politician Nhema said that these issues of illegal ivory trade have been raised with the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) a number of times but it seems not only Zimbabwe, but Africa is losing to these highly sophisticated military-like operators. “The developed nations are not doing enough to help in this regard as our governments do not always have resources to keep pace with poachers. I would rather have more animals than human beings, they are innocent souls. They don’t know politics at all. What we need is help to separate the two issues, fight and deal with the crime”, he said.


In his statement, scientific support officer at CITES Secretariat based in Geneva, Tom Demeulenaer, reiterated that reports have been received from Zimbabwe but the problem is validating the claims made by the media. “Zimbabwe used to be a leader in environment and wildlife and we are aware that it has lost its standards and hope that will be restored before it is too late”, he said.


CITES has since established Monitoring Illegal Killing of Elephants (MIK), a watchdog based in South Africa. Tapera Chimuti, who heads the Pretoria office could not be reached for comment at the time of writing. But Mr Walter Mzembi, Zimbabwe’s Tourism Minister issued a bold statement in February saying his government was ready to bring perpetrators to justice, whatever their status or affiliation.


“In 2013, Zimbabwe alongside Zambia host the United Nations World Tourism Organisation Assembly in Victoria Falls and any violation of CITES code of conduct will damage its reputation and their drive to promote tourism” said a World Society for Protection of Animals Official in London.

What difference does the Mujuru’s inquest make?

                                                   

The death of General Solomon Mujuru (who was known by his liberation war nom de guerre: Rex Nhongo) on 16 August 2011 left many Zimbabweans with divided opinion .While the tension is high due, to the on-going inquest into his death, people need to learn the lesson that the aim of this exercise is not to apportion blame but to discuss the evidence surrounding this case.

Today marks the sixth day of the investigation in Harare. So far ordinary Zimbabweans through social networks and media have focused almost all of their attention on oral evidence, and in particular contradictory testimonies .As a result most of the hearing so far has been uncovering government catastrophes and not its accountability.

Inside that Harare Magistrate courtroom, there have been twenty-six witnesses. Made up of several professionals, they have been a continuing inconsistence throughout the chronicles. For the first time I have actually asked myself and other concerned countrymen what the inquest is trying to achieve. As our society’s history pointed, the findings of this inquest aren’t likely to bring the culprits to account any time soon.

One respected Reuters  Correspondent  based in Harare I spoke to took his position with caution and argued that, this  inquest is more about a mere formality than necessarily seeking to establish the truth. Another senior academic based in London told me: “Lots of people know what’s going on. Think about the circumstances in which we lost Herbert Chitepo and Josiah Tongogara.Then you can understand who stands to gain most from the Nhongo’s death”.

They also argued that it was not the inquest’s role to bring people to book. As MDC-UK Southampton Branch vice- Chairperson, Mr Bornwell Madzingira rather concisely put it:” They are pointing out who the killers are. We might suggest that the perpetrators are tried and face the music, but it is impossible when there is no judicial independence”.  Another Zimbabwean Independent paper editor based in Hampshire added: “What would be good though is to fire and jail those who failed to execute their professional duties”.

All the people I spoke to about this issue are more sceptical and clearly sure about the circumstances surrounding Mujuru’s death; and they don’t seem to have had the problems with their judgement. Despite this, I have had a rather uneasy feeling. The inquest will continue but is it actually going to make any difference? We have had several government inquests on the death of key members since 1980, but even with the overwhelming evidence within our domain, there were no accusations or confessions implicating known suspects. Thus, the investigation may prove pointless since it does not offer any plausible findings.

I think the wider problem that needs to be faced is the unpleasant truth that the ailing despot Robert Mugabe may have either personally sanctioned or instigated these target assassinations over the last thirty-four years in his quest to cling on to power. Zanu (PF) faithful might try to point to their saviour’s defence during the time, but that ignores the fact that his success, has been mainly due to his calculated elimination of his political opponents and also due to the one-sided systems that carry out and report these inquests. Since then, the veil has become so thin for him to conceal his tracks. Most of these deaths have been blamed on foreign governments and members of the opposition. However, his actions on devouring friends and enemies go further than nation could ever have imagined.

Zanu (PF) distanced itself from these proceedings. On the opening day of the probe, reports said that Robert Mugabe recalled the General’s widow, VP Joyce Mujuru during the hearing. The trouble with this is that when the public sentiments are full of expectation, the least they want to hear is this kind of irresponsible behaviour from a Head of State. People were made even worse to suspect foul play. This demonstrates a clearly new meaning of the word respect I was before unaware of.

While I think the investigation should go ahead, I believe one of the most important questions they need to address is the previous shortcomings and if any lessons have been learnt over the past thirty-two years. Until they do, Mugabe will continue to set the agenda and we will be back to repeating the mistakes that got us into this tragedy in the first place.